ESSAYS

Dar es Salaam

Victim Surveys as a Basis for City Safety Strategies

Antoinette Louw, Rory Robertshaw and Anna Mtani

Published in African Security Review Vol 10 No 1, 2001


Countries in transition often experience increased levels of crime, making their citizens vulnerable to the exploits of criminals. The lack of reliable statistics hampers the development of sound crime reduction strategies. This essay considers the value of victim surveys as additional sources of information to augment official police data. It presents the findings of such a survey undertaken in Dar es Salaam and compares them with findings obtained in similar surveys of Cape Town, Durban, Pretoria and Johannesburg. The information obtained in the survey conducted in Dar es Salaam provides valuable insights into crime rates and patterns. In comparing the results of the survey in Dar es Salaam, some interesting trends emerged around the theft of vehicle parts and vehicle theft, violent crimes, the levels of violence employed in burglaries and the use of weapons. The information gleaned from these surveys will go far in developing crime reduction strategies and measures that will be effective and appropriately targeted.

Introduction


The countries of sub-Saharan Africa, with few exceptions, have undergone significant changes during the past four decades in their quest for independence and in their focus to attain and consolidate democracy. However, it is a well-known fact that countries in transition experience increased levels of crime, making their citizens vulnerable to the exploits of criminals. Often exacerbating this trend is the lack of reliable statistics that could inform the development of sound crime reduction strategies.

The development of such strategies requires accurate information. Official statistics, where available, provide important information about crime, but are limited to offences reported to and recorded by the police. They seldom reflect the full crime picture.

This essay will consider the value of victim surveys as additional sources of information to augment official police data. It will present the findings of such a survey undertaken in Dar es Salaam, the Tanzanian capital, and will compare them with findings obtained in similar surveys of Cape Town, Durban, Pretoria and Johannesburg.

Victim surveys


Victim surveys are useful supplements to police data, as crimes are counted that have not been reported to the authorities. Data on public perceptions of crime, safety and policing emerges, allowing the fear of crime to be balanced against the reality. Public perceptions may not always be accurate, but successful crime reduction, particularly where the capacity of the police is weak, depends on the support and participation of the public.

The use of victim surveys has become an integral part of the safer cities approach of UN Habitat. The approach encourages partnerships between governments and citizens, and supports local authorities to develop sustainable crime prevention strategies. Since 1997, UN Habitat has assisted several South African city councils, among others, and support for Dar es Salaam began in 1998.

In March 2000, a study was conducted in Dar es Salaam consisting of a victim survey, a series of in-depth interviews on violence against women and a qualitative study on youth offenders. It was undertaken by the Safer Cities project in Dar es Salaam and UN Habitat, with the assistance of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) and DRA Development. The methodologies were developed by the ISS and DRA Development and previously implemented in South Africa’s major cities and rural areas.1

The Safer Cities: Dar es Salaam project


Over the past three decades, Tanzania has faced a series of economic crises. Despite several policies aimed at salvaging the economy, the country’s poor economic performance, the high levels of corruption, smuggling of goods and embezzlement of public funds, have had a severe impact on the lives of Dar es Salaam’s estimated 3 million inhabitants. The city has also seen a dramatic growth in unplanned settlements. These conditions have contributed towards increasing levels of urban criminality, delinquency and violence.

Tanzanian city governments are obliged to become involved in crime reduction efforts. The Dar es Salaam city council has therefore initiated several projects to improve security in the city.

In August 1998, the Dar es Salaam city council, with the support of UN Habitat’s safer cities programme, launched a project to build public awareness of safety and security issues.2 Despite variations in opinion about the nature and extent of crime, a participatory analysis of crime in the city showed that crime was increasing and that local initiatives should be strengthened. To address the limitations of police statistics, the Safer Cities project commissioned the study discussed in this essay.

The results of the study were discussed in Dar es Salaam at a workshop attended by stakeholders and roleplayers. Resolutions were drawn up and the implementation of a safety strategy in the city commenced. Participants agreed that the results reflect the current situation in the city. Opinion on the report on women abuse, however, was more varied, but agreement was reached that more co-ordinated efforts to raise awareness and build capacity were needed to reduce violence against women.

Methodology


The administration of the survey in Dar es Salaam was preceded by research into the types of communities and residential areas in the city. Broad profiles of the identified ward areas were drawn up to develop sampling formulae and refine and adapt the ISS questionnaires. The survey consisted of a street scan (2 400 interviews) aimed to identify the ratio of victims to non-victims for each type of crime, followed by a household victim survey (1 000 interviews). A small survey among women survivors of violence (42 in-depth interviews) was administered to explore issues that would not be picked up in the general victim survey.3

The victim survey represented the various area types within the city. In the scan survey, respondents were approached in two age categories equally divided between male and female, without distinguishing between victims and non-victims. In the household survey, the same ward areas were selected as in the scan, with the exception of two areas that were replaced as they were not residential areas. Household interviews were conducted during the day and in the evening, including weekends, to ensure that the views of a broad cross-section of people were collected, including those working during the day.

Crime levels in Dar es Salaam


The most prevalent crime in Dar es Salaam was burglary (figure 1). High levels of burglary were recorded by the victim survey, with 43% of victims saying their households were burgled over the past five years. Surveys conducted as part of the International Crime Victims Survey of UNICRI typically show a high prevalence of burglary compared to other crimes in African cities.4 The level of burglary in Dar es Salaam is particularly high. In a similar survey conducted in Durban, South Africa, burglary was also found to be the most prevalent crime but at a much lower rate, with a quarter (26%) of respondents reporting this form of victimisation.5

Figure 1: Victims of crime in Dar es Salaam, 1995 - 2000

Simple theft (which involves property being stolen from an individual, but excludes the use of violence) was the second most common crime in the city with 32% of people having been victimised. Other categories of theft, namely crop and livestock theft, that occur largely in the city’s rural districts, were reported by 20% of all respondents.

Vehicle theft and car-hijacking rates were particularly low in Dar es Salaam, although the theft of vehicle parts was more common (19%). The relatively high rate of vehicle part theft (considering the low levels of car ownership in the city) raises questions regarding the sophistication and organisation of offenders, given their preference to steal parts rather than cars. In South Africa, for example, high levels of vehicle theft are facilitated by organised criminal networks penetrating police and vehicle licensing departments, weak border controls, an ability to override complex vehicle anti-theft measures and an elaborate system for the sale of stolen parts and vehicles.

Violent crimes were less prevalent in Dar es Salaam than the property crimes mentioned above. Sixteen per cent of people said they had been assaulted and 14% reported being robbed in the past five years. In South Africa by comparison, 23% of people surveyed in Durban reported being victims of robbery over a five-year period. Not all rates of violent crimes were higher in South African cities than in Dar es Salaam. In Durban and Johannesburg, 12% and 16% of people, respectively, reported being assaulted over a five-year period. In Dar es Salaam, the assault rate was reported at 16%. The high levels of assault in Dar es Salaam are therefore cause for concern.

Reporting of crime to the police


Recognising the limitations of police crime statistics, the survey attempted to determine the propensity of victims to report crimes to the police. For each of the crimes, respondents were asked whether they, or somebody else had reported the most recent incident to the police.

Levels of reporting varied according to crime type. Serious property crimes had a relatively high level of reporting. Thus, the vast majority of victims of motor vehicle theft reported the offence to the police. Nearly two-thirds of burglary victims and victims of vehicle part theft reported the crime to the police. Just under half of robbery and assault victims reported the offence. For simple theft and the more rural-based crimes including farm equipment theft, crop theft and theft of livestock, the recorded reporting rates were low — all falling below 20%. Generally, these levels of reporting were not very different from those recorded in the Durban victim survey (figure 2).

Figure 2: Victims who reported the most recent crime incident to the police


An analysis of reasons for reporting the crime showed that being insured was not the only motive for reporting. The data suggested that reporting may be driven more by the victim’s perception of the seriousness of the crime rather than by an immediate need to replace lost property. Other factors like the experience of violence and access to policing also played a role. The perception or experience of police corruption was one of the major reasons for not reporting crime to the police. Other reasons were the belief that the police would not take the crime seriously or that goods would not be recovered. The number of victims who mentioned corruption as the reason for not reporting was considerably higher in Dar es Salaam than in South African cities.

The trends for reporting of assault cases were quite different from the other crimes. The most common reason given for victims’ failure to report the crime was that the offender was a partner or a relative and that there was thus no reason to report it to the police. As many as 60% of assault victims said this was the case. Other survey data showed that a large proportion of assaults in Dar es Salaam could be associated with domestic violence. Violence of this nature is thus probably treated as a household or family matter and not a matter for the police. Furthermore, in cases where the offender is a relative or partner, the fear of reprisals from the perpetrator also discourages reporting.

Respondents who reported crimes to the police were asked if they were satisfied with the service they received when reporting. The victims of most crimes, except assault, were largely dissatisfied with the police. Levels ranged from 83% of respondents for simple theft, through 73% for vehicle part theft, 66% for robbery and 61% of victims who reported burglary. Their reasons for being unhappy with the service were that the police failed to take action and did not take the crime seriously.

Unlike the victims of other crimes, most assault victims (57%) who reported the incident to the police were satisfied with the way the police responded. The remaining 43% were not satisfied with the treatment they received. In explaining why they were satisfied with police service, nearly half (48%) of assault victims said that an arrest was made. This is a positive indicator that the police in Dar es Salaam follow up on assault cases and succeed in making arrests. Although most victims of assault did not report the crime because they thought the matter was not police business (and thus do not see assault as a criminal offence), these results suggest that the police do take assault cases seriously.

The nature of crime in Dar es Salaam


Victims were asked a range of questions about how, when and where the crime happened. This information allows profiles to be compiled of those who are most at risk of each type of crime, as well as the circumstances in which the crime occurred. This enables vulnerable groups to be identified as the focus of a crime reduction strategy. It also provides information about the causal factors behind each crime. Unless the reasons why crimes are committed are considered, interventions will have little chance of success.
Burglary

People living in new or established suburbs were more at risk of burglary than people living elsewhere in Dar es Salaam. Generally, people with higher incomes and owners of property were more at risk. This reflects a fairly standard picture of burglary in which victims tend to be wealthier and have more to steal. Burglaries were likely to happen when people are at home. Half of all burglaries took place on Fridays and Saturdays and the majority of incidents occurred between 0h00 and 6h00. In 78% of incidents, victims reported that someone was at home when the burglary was committed.

Given that burglaries were most likely to happen when people are at home, the potential for violence is high. Nevertheless, levels of violence were much lower than those recorded in the South African city surveys. In Pretoria, for example, 33% of victims said violence was used, compared to only 11% in Dar es Salaam.6

Furthermore, the use of weapons was slightly less common in Dar es Salaam. The weapons used were mostly sticks, pangas and clubs followed by physical strength. Only 4% of burglary victims in Dar es Salaam said guns were used, compared to 21% of burglary victims in Pretoria. Similar figures were recorded in the Durban victim survey.

Simple theft


The definition of simple theft used in the survey meant that crimes like pick-pocketing and bag-snatching were included. Young women were particularly at risk of simple theft as were residents of the inner city. Simple theft occurred most often on Saturdays between 12h00 and 18h00. Jewellery and money were likely to be stolen. Victims tended to be alone when the thefts occurred. The likely location of the crime was in the street outside shops and offices (the central business district) or in streets in residential areas.

Theft of livestock, crops and farm equipment


This group of crimes occurred mainly in those parts of Dar es Salaam where land availability, lifestyle and economic factors create the potential for small-scale and other forms of farming activity. Livestock theft was experienced by 20% of respondents, crop theft by 19% and farm equipment theft by 7% of respondents. These crimes happened primarily in the rural parts of the city and to a limited extent in the new suburbs. Those most at risk were older people who own their homes, as well as people with little education and those who are employed in the informal sector. The seasonal distribution of crop theft follows the growth cycle of crops, whereas livestock and farm equipment theft were evenly distributed throughout the year, peaking slightly in December. Farm equipment was commonly stolen during the day and livestock at night. Crop thefts were more evenly distributed throughout the day. All three types of theft typically happened over the weekend and violence was infrequent.

Theft of vehicle parts


Men, home owners and wealthier, more educated people were more at risk of vehicle part theft. Residents living in the inner city were more vulnerable than those living elsewhere. These thefts occurred throughout the day, with the least likely time being the early hours of the morning. Residential streets and public parking lots were the areas most often cited as the place where thefts occurred.

Assault


Assault was defined as an attack on the victim’s person, where physical force or aggressive and threatening behaviour is used. Victim profiles showed that young people (15-25 years) were much more at risk than older people. Similarly, the unemployed faced greater risk than those in formal employment. Interestingly, people living in established suburbs and those with a secondary school education were most at risk of assault. This is unusual when compared to the South African surveys, which showed that the poor were most at risk of assault.7

Assault mainly occurred in the home (58%) and in places of entertainment (18%). Typically, the victim knew the offender, either by name (two-thirds) or by sight (19%). Offenders were most often partners (33%) or neighbours (36%). These findings contrasted with those gathered in South African cities. In Durban, for example, higher levels of assault were recorded in the street or in places of entertainment than in the home. Moreover, a majority of victims (56%) in Durban said they did not know the offenders. It appears that levels of domestic assault are higher in Dar es Salaam than in Durban. Figures on domestic violence should be treated with caution, since many respondents could have been reluctant to discuss this issue with fieldworkers.

In Dar es Salaam, assault occurred mostly over weekends, peaking on Sundays between 12h00 and 06h00. The vast majority of assaults resulted in injury. Physical strength was mostly used (as opposed to weapons) and most victims were treated in a hospital as a result.

Robbery


Robbery was defined as an incident in which property is taken from a person by force or threat of force. Probably because of their higher incomes, people living in new or emerging suburbs, those with a post-high school qualification and those with formal employment were most at risk of robbery.

These crimes commonly occurred at night and over weekends. Victims reported that the likely location for robbery was in residential streets, while they were walking alone. Money was most likely to be taken during the robbery. Violence was used during most attacks (69%), with knives and physical strength being the most likely weapons. Few victims said that a gun was used (figure 3).

Figure 3: Weapons used in robberies

Fear of crime


Dealing with perceptions of crime, particularly anxiety and fear of crime, is as important as reducing crime levels. Fear of crime affects people’s quality of life and can also have negative economic and political consequences. It affects people’s willingness to interact and work with government, particularly the police.

Public perceptions of crime are rarely based on statistical information about crime levels or the risk of crime. Instead, factors like actual victimisation, general impressions of the city environment, the media, interaction with colleagues, friends and family, perceptions about government’s ability to provide safety and the extent to which people feel helpless against crime, influence public perception.

In order to assess fear of crime, both victims and non-victims in Dar es Salaam were asked how safe they felt walking in their area during the day and after dark. The vast majority of people in the city felt safe (94%) walking in their areas during the day. Only 6% said they felt unsafe. Not surprisingly, the opposite was true after dark: 61% felt unsafe walking in their neighbourhoods and 38% felt safe (table 1).

Table 1: How safe people felt walking in their area of residence
During the day (%)
After dark (%)
Very safe
54
9
Fairly safe
40
29
A bit unsafe
4
30
Very unsafe
2
31
Total
100
100

The trend to feel safer during the day than after dark is common throughout the world. Compared to South African cities, fear of crime is low in Dar es Salaam. In Johannesburg, where crime levels and fear of crime are the highest of South African cities surveyed, as many as two-thirds of people felt very unsafe walking in their neighbourhoods after dark.8 Even in Cape Town, the city where South Africans felt most safe, anxiety about crime is higher than in Dar es Salaam (figure 4).

Figure 4: A comparison of people who felt 'very unsafe' in their areas after dark

Fear of crime does not affect everyone to the same extent. It is likely to be highest among those people who think they have the greatest chance of victimisation, but also among those who worry the most about the consequences of crime, whether psychological, social, physical or economic. Typically, women, the aged and the poor fear crime the most. These trends have been illustrated by similar victim surveys in South Africa and abroad.9 In Dar es Salaam, this trend is clearly evident for gender only.

A quarter of men (25%) said they felt very unsafe in their area after dark, compared to 37% of women. When compared across age categories, it was surprising that those over 40 years of age were the least likely to feel very unsafe after dark: 29% said this was the case compared to 30% of those aged between 26 and 40 years and 37% between 15 and 25 years. Contrary to the trend elsewhere, the youngest people in Dar es Salaam fear crime the most.

Other demographic variables were also significant. Those with no education or very little education tended to feel less safe than those with more education: 35% with no schooling or primary schooling only felt very unsafe after dark compared to 32% with secondary school and 17% of respondents with a post-high school qualification.

People living in suburbs were also much more likely to feel unsafe than those living in the inner city or rural settlements (figure 5). This is probably because people in suburbs are wealthier and thus more at risk of property crime than those living in other parts of the city. In addition, the survey also showed that these residents were much more likely than those in other parts of the city to believe that crime in their area had increased compared to previous years. This perception would fuel the fear of crime.

Figure 5: Parts of Dar es Salaam where people feld 'very unsafe' after dark

In South African cities, by comparison, people living in suburbs often feel safer than other city residents. In Pretoria, 70% of informal settlement residents and 64% of township residents felt very unsafe after dark, compared to only 42% of those living in the suburbs.10 This can be attributed to the high levels of violent crime in South African cities and the fact that people living in the poorer parts of cities are much more at risk of violence than their wealthier counterparts. In addition, the capacity of the police is significantly greater in wealthier areas where residents also have the added benefit of being able to afford elaborate private security systems to protect themselves and their property.

Although less significant than the variables outlined above, employment status also affected levels of anxiety about crime. People who are unemployed were most likely to feel very unsafe after dark (35%), followed by those dependent on other income (31%), those in formal employment (31%) and those in informal employment (29%). It is possible that the unemployed feel least safe because they are least able to protect themselves from crime, either through physical measures to safeguard their property or the ability to choose safer transport routes, places to live, or places of recreation.

Perceptions about changing crime levels


Perceptions about crime appear to be shaped more by subjective judgements than by information about crime or actual crime levels. It is a common trend that most people interviewed in victim surveys believe that crime has increased compared to previous years. In South Africa for example, 76% of people in Pretoria thought that crime had increased compared to previous years.11 This trend has even been recorded in situations where the actual crime level has been declining.

It is no surprise therefore that most people in Dar es Salaam (62%) believed that, compared to previous years, the level of crime in their area had increased. Only 19% said they thought crime had decreased and 15% said levels had remained the same. A few people (4%) were unsure.

Without reliable information about crime levels over the past few years in Dar es Salaam, it is difficult to establish actual crime rates. One indication that public perception reflects real changes in crime levels is the significant difference in views between residents living in different parts of the city.

People living in new suburbs and established suburbs were twice as likely to say the crime level had increased compared to previous years than residents from the inner city or rural settlements (table 2). Those from rural settlements were much more likely than people from other parts of the city to believe that crime had decreased.

Table 2: People who said crime had increased or decreased compared to previous years, by residential area

Inner city
Established suburb
New suburb
Rural settlement
Crime increased
42
79
81
40
Crime decreased
28
11
15
37
Stayed the same
30
10
4
23
Total
100
100
100
100

Perceptions of policing and safety


Both victims and non-victims were questioned about possible measures to improve their personal safety and that of the city. This data provides an important guide for practitioners in their planning of crime reduction strategies. It shows what people are currently doing to enhance their safety, and what they believe the city government’s priorities should be in this regard. These perceptions are important for a crime prevention strategy not only because they indicate what the public want most, but also because they assist in the management of public relations around the strategy.

Protection measures


Most people (80%) use some form of protection against crime, mostly burglar guards, fences/walls, a dog and/or a weapon. The remaining 20% had no means of protection. Although these measures are not sophisticated, 68% said they felt fairly safe as a result of using them. The measures most likely to make people feel very safe were a high fence/wall, burglar guards, a security guard and a dog. Although 12% of people said they carried a weapon, only 5% said this made them feel very safe.

The overall level of safety provided by these measures may partly explain why, when asked what else they could do to improve their own safety, most respondents (66%) said there was ‘nothing’ else they could do. Alternatively, people may be unaware of other ways to become involved in crime reduction, or they may believe that it is government’s job rather than their own to provide security.

Among the 34% who did have ideas about how to enhance their safety further, most said they could participate in community-based initiatives, neighbourhood watch or police patrols. The remainder mentioned carrying a gun or other weapon followed by more conventional target-hardening measures such as building high walls, better lighting and burglar guards.

Government interventions: The need for better policing


In response to an open-ended question about what government should do to make Dar es Salaam a safer city (two suggestions were allowed) most respondents called for more visible police (and security guards) and a better distribution of police posts. Associated with the call for improved policing was the need for government to end bribery and corruption among police members (figure 6). After more visible law enforcement, a common request was for better economic support from government in the form of job creation and the provision of loans and training for the youth.

Figure 6: What government should do to make Dar es Salaam safer


The results clearly indicate that people want better and more visible policing. Since a city level crime reduction strategy will also need to focus on issues other than policing, these views must be considered in the planning of the strategy and how it is ‘marketed’ to various constituencies.

Victim surveys conducted in South African cities revealed similar tendencies, with the vast majority of residents in Johannesburg, Durban, Cape Town and Pretoria calling for better policing and law enforcement and more resources for the police.12 One significant difference between the South African cities and Dar es Salaam is that residents in the former were much more likely than those in Dar es Salaam to say that harsher punishment was required for offenders. In South Africa, these views are probably more symptomatic of the need for the speedier and more effective processing of offenders by the criminal justice system than about actual sentencing policy.13

In Dar es Salaam, the need for government to improve policing is confirmed by the view of nearly half of the respondents (44%) that, compared to previous years, the quality of policing in their areas of residence has stayed the same. Over a third (39%) thought that the standard of policing had become worse and only 17% said it was better than in previous years. Bearing in mind that 62% of people in the city estimated that crime in their area had increased compared to previous years, it is possible that people believe the level and effectiveness of the police has not kept up with the increasing levels of crime.

The aspect of policing that probably needs most attention in Dar es Salaam is visible policing and patrols. When asked what government should do to make Dar es Salaam safer, most people mentioned a better distribution of police posts. However, more detailed questions about the access that people currently have to a police station or post suggest that it is the visibility of the police rather than public access to the police that is the problem.

The vast majority of respondents (87%) said they live within 6 kilometres of the nearest police station or police post. Although most (68%) had to walk in order to reach the police, two-thirds reached the police within half an hour with nearly half saying it took them only 10 minutes. Of more concern is that many people living in Dar es Salaam rarely if ever saw a police officer on duty in their neighbourhood. Over a third (36%) said they never saw a police officer on duty and 17% said they saw an officer less than once a month. For more than half of the respondents, seeing a police officer on duty is a rare occurrence.

These findings suggest that, when asking government to improve policing, people in Dar es Salaam are referring more to the need for visible police patrols than for the building of more police stations or posts. A visible police presence may help to reduce some types of crime, but is more likely to reduce fear of crime. In Dar es Salaam, the vast majority of people who said they never see a police officer on duty in their area felt unsafe

The problem does not affect all parts of Dar es Salaam to the same degree. Those most likely to see a police officer on duty were people living in the inner city — half of whom saw a police officer on a daily basis — followed by residents of rural settlements. The latter were as likely as inner city residents to see on duty police members at least once a week, and more likely than people from any other part of the city to see the police once a month or less than once a month. Of most concern are people living in new suburbs — 62% of whom said they never see the police. Nearly half of the residents of established suburbs (48%) said the same.

Efforts to increase visible policing should therefore be targeted in the suburbs. This is particularly the case given that people living in these areas were much more likely than those in other parts of the city to believe that crime in their neighbourhood has increased compared to previous years. Suburban residents also displayed a more pronounced fear of crime than those living in the inner city or rural settlements.

What people can do to improve their safety


Effective crime reduction depends on building partnerships and engaging in joint efforts between government actors and members of those communities that are affected by crime. Respondents in the survey were therefore asked, not only what they think government should do to make the city safer, but also what they themselves could do.

The findings confirm the need illustrated by the results above for a more visible presence of guards, either in the form of police officials or non-state agencies such as security guards or neighbourhood watch patrols. Over half of the respondents said they could co-operate with or join the police, security guards, SunguSungu14 or neighbourhood watch organisations to make the city safer (figure 7). This illustrates the inability of the local police to fulfil this role effectively. It also shows that people believe it to be a priority, since they are prepared to take on the task themselves.

Figure 7: What individuals could do to make Dar es Salaam safer


A concerning trend, also evident in results presented elsewhere, is the number of people who said there was nothing they could do to improve safety in Dar es Salaam. In South Africa, by comparison, less people said there was nothing they could do to enhance safety. Significant proportions in South Africa said they could take precautions against crime and be more alert (30% in Pretoria). This suggests that knowledge about alternative means of preventing crime or changing behaviour to reduce risk of victimisation is limited in Dar es Salaam.

There are some similarities in the responses of people in Dar es Salaam and South African cities. Policing type solutions were also most popular in South Africa, although here a clearer distinction was made between the most popular choice — better co-operation with the police — and community-based safety initiatives. In Pretoria for example, 34% said they could co-operate with the police and a further 25% mentioned participating in community based initiatives. (The latter refers to a range of activities that would include measures alluded to by the Dar es Salaam respondents, such as neighbourhood watches.) This suggests that people in South Africa are more inclined to co-operate with the police than in Dar es Salaam. In Dar es Salaam by comparison, the majority of people described non-state policing options, such as joining and co-operating with SunguSungu, security guards, neighbourhood watches and community groups.

When asked about these non-state policing activities in more detail, only 24% of respondents said that people in their community made ‘arrangements’ to protect themselves. Virtually all (94%) those who mentioned such arrangements were referring to SunguSungu and neighbourhood watch schemes. The remaining few said people joined community groups or made other ad hoc protection arrangements. Importantly, over half of the respondents (53%) believed these initiatives were effective in securing their community. These findings suggest the need for further investigation into the issue of community initiatives to reduce crime. If these initiatives are deemed successful, why are they not more popular in Dar es Salaam? The effectiveness of these initiatives should be assessed more thoroughly. Although a majority believed the initiatives enhanced safety, the remaining 47% disagreed. It would be worth exploring these issues before deciding whether to endorse and develop these or other community initiatives.

Conclusion


The information obtained in the victim survey conducted in Dar es Salaam has provided the city with valuable insights into crime rates and patterns. Profiles of those most vulnerable to specific crimes can inform the development of crime reduction strategies with a greater chance of success.

In comparing the results of the survey in Dar es Salaam, some interesting trends emerged. The theft of vehicles was more common in South Africa than in Dar es Salaam, probably because, in the former, the higher levels of vehicle theft can be ascribed to the presence of sophisticated organised criminal networks, weak border controls, greater ability to override anti-theft measures and an elaborate system for the sale of stolen parts and vehicles. Most violent crimes were less prevalent in Dar es Salaam than in South Africa. However, in Johannesburg and Dar es Salaam, the rates for assault measured over a five-year period were the same. Levels of reporting crime to the police were also similar to those reported in Durban.

The levels of violence employed in burglaries in Dar es Salaam were much lower than those recorded in South African city surveys. The use of weapons was also slightly less common in Dar es Salaam. The use of guns in burglaries in Pretoria and Durban was significantly higher than in Dar es Salaam.

Victim profiles showed that young people were most at risk of assault in Dar es Salaam, while the South African surveys showed that the poor dominated this category. In Dar es Salaam, people were most at risk of assault at home or in places of entertainment. In contrast, assault was likely to occur in the street or in places of entertainment in Durban. Most victims in Dar es Salaam knew the offender by name or sight, while the vast majority indicated in Durban that they did not know their assailants.

People throughout the world feel safer during the day than after dark. However, the fear of crime is far lower in Dar es Salaam than in Johannesburg or Cape Town. In South Africa, women, the aged and the poor fear crime the most, while the trend is clearly evident for gender only in Dar es Salaam.

The majority of people in Dar es Salaam and in South African cities surveyed thought that crime had increased compared to previous years. A comparison of the results in Dar es Salaam and in South Africa also clearly shows that people agree that better and more visible policing will go far to curb crime. The vast majority of residents in South African cities also called for more resources for the police. One significant difference is that South Africans were greater proponents of harsher punishment for offenders.

In Dar es Salaam, many people indicated that there was nothing they could do to improve safety. Significant proportions of South Africans said they could take precautions against crime and be more alert, suggesting that knowledge about alternative means of preventing crime or changing behaviour to reduce risk of victimisation is limited in Dar es Salaam.

These surveys have clearly showed the public’s concern, whatever their nationality, with the unacceptable levels of crime plaguing their communities. The information gleaned from these surveys will go far in developing crime reduction strategies and measures that will be effective and appropriately targeted.

Notes


The findings on crime in Dar es Salaam used in this article are based on a victim survey undertaken in the city in 2000. It was funded and supported by UNCHS (Habitat)in co-operation with the International Centre for the Prevention of Crime (ICPC) in Montreal, Canada. Financial support was provided by the Dutch government. The detailed survey findings will be published in 2001.
  1. See A Louw, et al, Crime in Johannesburg: Results of a city victim survey, ISS Monograph 18, February 1998; L Camerer, et al, Crime in Cape Town: Results of a city victim survey, ISS Monograph 23, April 1998; A Louw, Crime in Pretoria: Results of a city victim survey, ISS and Idasa, August 1998. See also A Louw, Comparing crime in South Africa’s cities, African Security Review 8(1), 1999; as well as E Pelser, et al, Poor safety: crime and policing in South Africa’s rural areas, ISS Monograph 47, May 2000.
  2. Initiated by UN Habitat in co-operation with the International Centre for the Prevention of Crime in Montreal, Canada. Financial support was provided by the Dutch government.
  3. The violence against women survey was based on methodology developed by the ISS and DRA Development in a study of women abuse conducted in three major South African metropolitan areas and in the country as a whole. See S Bollen, et al, Violence against women in metropolitan South Africa: A study on impact and service delivery, ISS Monograph 41 September 1999.
  4. See U Zvekic & A Alvazzi del Frate (eds), Criminal victimisation in the developing world, UNICRI, Rome, 1995.
  5. R Robertshaw, et al, Reducing crime in Durban: A victim survey and safer city strategy, forthcoming ISS Monograph, 2001.
  6. Louw, Crime in Pretoria, op cit.
  7. See ISS city victim survey reports, op cit.
  8. See Louw, Comparing crime, op cit.
  9. See Louw, Crime in Pretoria, op cit.
  10. Ibid.
  11. Ibid.
  12. See Louw. Comparing crime, op cit.
  13. See M Schönteich, Justice versus retribution: Attitudes to punishment in the Eastern Cape, ISS Monograph 45, February 2000.
  14. SunguSungu is a local organisation similar to a neighbourhood watch group.
ANTOINETTE LOUW is head of the Crime and Justice Programme at the Institute for Security Studies and has participated in victim surveys and crime reduction strategy design at the ISS since 1997.

RORY ROBERTSHAW is a consultant and former co-ordinator of the Greater Johannesburg Safer Cities project.

ANNA MTANI is co-ordinator of the Safer Cities: Dar es Salaam project.