Reviewing Mozambique's first municipal elections: A brief qualitative study

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By irae Baptista Lundin Instituto Superior de Relacoes Inernacionais, Maputo, Mozambique

Published in African Security Review Vol 7 No 6, 1998

In November 1990, the new Constitution of Mozambique was approved, defending multi-partisanship, the separation of executive, legislative and judiciary powers, and the introduction of a market economy.² As part of the democratisation process, the first municipal elections were held on 30 June 1998 in 33 administrative areas (23 cities and ten towns),³ for the administrative, patrimonial, and financial decentralisation of these administrative units.

Due to the alleged incompatibility with the political and administrative laws which established the National Electoral Commission (CNE), the Technical Electoral Secretariat (STAE)⁴, and its operational⁵ structure, the opposition withdrew as a block from the electoral⁶ process, and openly began an abstention campaign. Renamo, the main opposition party leading the boycott, had already voted against the entire municipal package (eleven laws) in the National Assembly.

The following parties participated in the elections:

Frelimo Party (Liberation Front of Mozambique) in all 33 elections localities;

the Labour Party (PT) in Maputo, Matola and Xaixai, for local assemblies; and

a coalition called Resistance for Mozambican Unity (RUMO) in Maputo and Matola.

Four groups of independent candidates registered in Maputo,⁷ and a group for each of the following areas:

Manhica: Support Group for the Electoral Candidature in the Municipality of Chibuto (GACECIMUCHI);



Inhambane: Good People of the Earth (GBT);



Beira: Group for Consideration and Change (GRM);⁸



Gurue: Association for the Friends and Citizens of Gurue (ANAGUR);



Nampula: Organisation for the Unemployed of Nampula (DEONA);



Angoche: Group for the Development of Angoche (GDA);



Nacala: Organisation for the Independent Candidates of Nacala (OCINA); and



Pemba: Association of the Pemba Citizens for Order (ACIPO).

Beyond these areas, only one Frelimo Party candidate ran in the elections in 22 other areas, thus presenting only one candidate on the voting sheet. A group which is part of the United Democratic Coalition (for municipalities), lodged a complaint as the majority of their candidates were refuted.⁹

Logistics and organisation at the polling stations were largely lacking, evident in the failure to respect opening times, irregularities in the sealing of ballot boxes,¹⁰ and the lack of consistency in representing candidates’ photographs on ballot papers (in the case of Maputo and Beira).

According to data published in Maputo in Mediafax on 19 July 1998, the election results indicated a national abstention rate of approximately 85,42 per cent, with the two provincial capitals recording a rate of above ninety per cent (Quelimane and Nampula), and seventeen localities with an abstention rate above eighty per cent (Beira, Chimoio, Cuamba, Gurue, Island of Mozambique, Lichinga, Manhica, Mandlakazi, Maputo, Matola, Maxixe, Moatize, Mocimboa da Praia, Monapo, Nacala Harbour and Tete).

The Supreme Court of Mozambique, acting as constitutional court, validated the election results on 13 August 1998.¹¹ Even though irregularities were detected and acknowledged in the decision, they were considered to have been resolved. The Supreme Court did not consider the high abstention rate as being relevant, since the Electoral Act does not stipulate a minium turnout as a condition for the counting of votes. The final decision was signed by the seven Supreme Court judges, although two openly declared that there had not been agreement on the verdict. They cited that a loophole in the Act meant the election results had to be approved, since it stipulated that the elections should not only be seen as a game with victors and losers, but also as an important indication of the measure of political legitimacy that was achieved.

Opposition parties which had boycotted the elections, also declared their opposition to the Supreme Court decision, which had been accepted by the majority of the parties that participated in the elections. The Secretary General of Frelimo declared that the "Supreme Court deliberated on the provisions of the Act and in accordance with the parties."

By recording the comments and discussions during a two-week field study, an attempt was made to establish the factors impacting on the electoral abstention rates by contrasting and comparing them in a qualitative analysis. This article aims to highlight these factors in order to further the debate. The important question remains whether the abstention rate that is recorded, is a cause or an effect, and what this signifies for Mozambique. This can only be determined by broadening the classic concept of security, both ‘horizontally’ and ‘vertically’, and by moving beyond the national level to concentrate on areas, communities, and individuals.¹² This will further enhance understanding of these events in a post-conflict situation, such as Mozambique, which is characterised by a society in the process of reconciliation, and suffering the effects of an economic restructuring process.¹³

The factors presented in this study are of a qualitative nature and were identified and isolated from comments, opinions, ideas, and suggestions expressed during discussions in the provinces of Niassa and Nampula in the course of the research.¹⁴ The main aim was to talk to community groups so that they could identify issues perceived as being problematic for the development and social well-being of society in general, and their specific community in particular.

It was election time and the issue was mentioned and discussed during many conversations. Consequently, this study is also based on observations made at the time, and supported by contextual references and published sources.

The discussions took place with groups of citizens representative of the whole spectrum of civil society, namely, non-governmental organisations, associations, trade unions, cultural groups, civil servants, and traditional authorities (male and female). Ages ranged between thirty and seventy years, and youth groups were also consulted.¹⁵ Interviews took place in Lichinga (Niassa), Angoche, Mogovolas and the city of Nampula (Nampula), with some information gathered on the Island of Mozambique and in the Harbour of Nacala.

Further research was carried out in Maputo and Sofala in June 1998,¹⁶ concentrating on specific zones,¹⁷ and completed a week before the elections. The aim was to evaluate the institutional capacity of the political parties, based on the perceptions of their own members and members of other civic organisations.¹⁸

The research was used to provide a national perspective on the questions whether the abstention rate during the elections was a cause or an effect, and its significance for Mozambique as a fledgling democracy.

The phrases represented in quotation marks are opinions expressed by participants during the course of discussions on the specific theme.

The National Electoral Commission (CNE) presented the following election figures:¹⁹

Municipal President:

286 615 cast votes
13 884 blank votes
15 107 null votes
257 624 valid votes
85,42 per cent abstentions



Municipal Chambers of Deputies:

285 908 cast votes
21 127 blank votes
13 958 null votes
250 823 valid votes
85,45 per cent abstentions

THE NATURE OF ABSTENTIONS

The abstentions were not specifically concentrated in a geographic zone (north, central or south). The data do not provide significant discriminatory information between the behaviour of voters in cities and towns (rural or urban zones), and cover the whole national territory to be placed under municipal control.

Mediafax, the daily newspaper, reported abstention rates as follows:

in the north, with eleven municipalities, 80,66 per cent abstentions;


in the central area, with twelve municipalities, 77,86 per cent abstentions; and


in the south, with ten municipalities, 80,09 per cent abstentions were recorded.

In the provincial capitals, the following abstention rates were recorded:

Quelimane: 94,28 per cent

Nampula: 91,95 per cent

Beira: 89,70 per cent

Chimoio: 88,77 per cent

Matola: 88,43 per cent

Maputo: 86,88 per cent

Tete: 85,04 per cent

Lichinga: 84,75 per cent

Inhambane: 81,07 per cent

Pemba: 79,38 per cent

Xaixai: 78,17 per cent

These figures provide the total framework of the research, and point to average abstention rates in capital cities of above ninety per cent in two cities, above eighty per cent in seven, and above seventy per cent in two.

For comparative purposes, the abstention rate in the general elections of 1994 was 12,6 per cent for the presidential elections, and 12,58 per cent for the legislative elections.

The factors which have been identified as leading to the high abstention rates in these elections are multifaceted, and have to be compared in order to reach a better understanding of the events.

The data gathered from people and in discussion groups have been classified and are set out below. The list consists of factors which have been isolated for methodological reasons to facilitate the analytical explanation. They are not presented in an order of priority, since participants were not asked to prioritise them during the course of the discussions.

In general, there seems to be a reasonable knowledge of the municipal process and a considerable interest in politics among the general public. This is illustrated by the interest expressed about the subject, the nature of comments, the responses to the questionnaire, as well as the quality of the opinions that were expressed.

It can therefore be deduced that:

far from not understanding what occurred — which would be the first obvious explanation for the high abstention rate — it is clear that the people grasped the meaning of the electoral process quite clearly;²¹ and



there was (and still is) ‘disenchantment’ with the political process in general.

These issues were clearly underlying people’s abstention from voting.

There is still a perception that the government’s real aim is not to decentralise.²² Participants felt that the elections were taking place, because "so much has been said about him that he has to do something merely to show that he has done something ... the funds that were spent should also be justified." However, it was also added that "these guys want to consolidate their positions in Maputo and safeguard their personal economic interests first ... then they might think about the province, not before!"

The issue of the need for a District Administrator alongside the Municipal President is debatable. Since the Administrator is a well-known figure whose (political and geographical) authority is common knowledge, local people have difficulty in understanding how another elected person will have some autonomy within the same territory when occupying a part of the same space. The question which was raised, is "why choose the smaller one and let the other be appointed by Maputo? This doesn’t make sense!"²³

Doubts were also expressed about the real sustainability of local municipal finances, without including the rural areas, "where there is (agricultural) production, where there are forests and mining activity ... these are going to be left out!"²⁴ Furthermore, "how do you govern without any means?" People also pointed out that "money comes from Maputo, that is not decentralisation!"

As for the provincial capitals, the Municipal President is generally contrasted to the Governor. Concerns were not raised about the individuals, but about the procedures and functions of the Decentralisation Act in the practice of governing.²⁵

The 1994 elections were for what is almost unanimously called ‘change’. This does not necessarily refer to a change in political power, but rather to what is called the ‘change in attitude’ of the government. Voters were waiting for "the introduction of other ideas ... new people." It is said that "peace came via the Rome Accord ... in 1992", while "the elections were to bring about development ... and an end to the conflict." Furthermore, the expectation was that the election would bring people together and improve their circumstances so that "others would also be able to eat."²⁶

 

Many indicated their ambivalence about the outcome of the 1994 elections by saying that "our children have come to govern the land ... but we need more change."²⁷ There is also some frustration: "it is not worth it, those in power are well taken care of!" Others display some resignation, which would explain their abstention,²⁸ by pointing out that "everything stopped ... nothing changed." They also ask: "why should we vote again?"

Since the perception is that nothing has changed as expected,²⁹ there is no urgent justification for another election: "the first time, I could say I didn’t know, it was someone else’s fault ... the second time, if I go ... it will be my fault and I can’t blame someone else anymore."

There seems to be some difficulty in making a connection between the act of voting and improvement in terms of positive development in people’s personal lives and the specific social group, as well as in communities (neighbourhoods, villages, districts and provinces). Questions that are frequently asked, are:

"Will voting improve marketing ... and prices?"



"Will voting regulate the price of cotton?"



"Will my child’s school improve ... will the teacher stop fixing the final averages to receive a bit more?"



"Are they going to respect our daughters?"

The inability to connect voting and what it represents with the resolution of problems which are classified by the individual as important, was a clear factor in the lack of motivation to participate in the elections.

The fact that, in 22 areas, there was only one candidate was perceived by many as a shortcoming in the electoral process. "Choosing implies that you have a choice between at least two ... one is not a choice."³¹ Even where there was a choice between candidates from different parties, the impression was that the outcome of the process had already been decided before it could occur. The automatic inclusion of the opposition strengthened this sentiment, even outside their group of supporters. People commented that they were told that "it is no use to vote if they have already decided the outcome!"

The fact that minimum consensus on the importance of these elections was not reached, and that much debate and discussion took place on the composition of STAE and CNE without reaching agreement, led to the conclusion that the elections were not of particular significance. People were told that, "when it is really election time, we will participate as we did in 1994. These municipal elections are not for us, the big shots are going to decide among themselves ... when it is important, they will know how to agree!"³¹

The fact that the elections were held on one day only, reinforced the perceptions of the unimportance of the event in the minds of many. A group of women in Lichinga said, "Why bother, they have sorted all of this out in Maputo among themselves ... they know that we have children ... we need one more day to vote."

In a study conducted by local non-governmental organisations (NGOs) on the reaction of different social groups to the laws applying to the new municipal dispensation, results indicated that perceptions are that these laws would not bring about any new changes. This was both the opinion of so-called intellectuals, and of groups of people who are formally illiterate, because they do not read or write Portuguese.³²

There is a prevailing perception that politics is only about accusing³³ and stealing, and that ordinary people "do not have a place there ... this is only for the big shots."

The activities of the opposition parties alienated not only their potential voters, but also a broader group of citizens. Some people indicated that they feared "confusion" as a result of the elections, a reference made mainly by individuals with family and business responsibilities, and others indicated a fear of reprisals.

In discussions in Maputo and Sofala, it became clear that people had a reasonable understanding of the relevant legislation and its general scope, as well as the duties of the citizen. However, there was a lack of knowledge of individual rights. Although individuals know that there are rights which apply to society as a whole, they do not necessarily understand that they have individual rights which should also be respected.

Ordinary citizens did not perceive the elections as a civic duty, but rather as a right which they thought did not apply to them. Since they did not feel that they had rights as individuals, they could not even visualise mechanisms that could change the current state of affairs which they may consider to be unjust and discriminatory.

In the perception of the general public, the life of an individual clearly lies on the periphery of the state’s concern,³⁴ and the state will only intervene in what is regarded as being ‘bad’ or negative, such as in the case of taxes. The state does not offer positive returns that the citizen may see or understand as counter-balancing his taxes or, in the case of the individuals’ electoral civic duty, a justification or reason for a vote in an election.

Even though the majority of participants expressed themselves anonymously, for fear of being persecuted, it was not difficult to understand that there is a perception of the existence of what was termed "men of law and war who feel that they can do anything ... and rely on the staff of power to practice actions against the law." Under these circumstances, the ordinary citizen is compelled to live his life in another reality, where his social, political, cultural and economic world has nothing to do with the state, except sometimes in a marginal sense.³⁵ In this world, there is no compelling reason to vote.

The gap which exists between the understanding of the government and of ordinary citizens of the centre of power, seems to be greater than the kilometres which separate the country’s provinces,³⁶ and the district capitals in the provinces. For example, it is not the poor roads that make trading difficult, but rather the legislation and new projects which seem to ‘escape’ the notice of provinces or districts. Those making decisions do not understand the needs of those at local level. This ‘distance’ and the perception of merely being part of the background and being excluded, create apathy and lead to non-participation in events such as elections.

People are generally knowledgeable about district deputies. They know at least who they are³⁷ and have a notion on how they should treat the interests of their districts.

Surprisingly enough, even in the districts with apparently poor access to the media, citizens know about the poor participation of some legislators: "madam deputy ... is sleeping in that house where she should be working."

In general, citizens want to participate but feel that there is little consideration for their problems. "I want to see that my concerns are taken up by those who are representing us ... not the way it is now."

The perception of the moral bankruptcy of political figures is evoked by all age groups, male and female. It is obviously one of the factors which can explain the attitude that led to the high abstention rates during the municipal elections.

This perception seems to have arisen after 1994, and is based on reports of the behaviour of some elected individuals, which is frowned upon and rejected by the community. The personal and collective moral character of the general public condemns the ‘abandonment’ of wives/ husbands and children left behind in the provinces, and their corruption in terms of the abuse of their influence and their easily accumulated wealth. The question which is frequently asked, is: "What is it about politics that destroys the morals of a man, woman and family? ... We don’t want that here!" They therefore refused to take part in the elections, since they perceived politics to be responsible for this evil.

This brief report of a qualitative study undertaken to determine the factors which led to the high abstention rate in the first municipal elections in Mozambique, indicates that there seems to have been a displacement in the minds of the voters between the political election process, as an act of democracy, and the perceptions of what democracy should be.

The opportunity to participate which is offered to citizens through the holding of elections, is seemingly not understood by them as a democratic right and is not visualised as having any effect on the life of the ordinary citizen.

Democracy is seen and understood as a phenomenon which includes participation that can lead to changes. It should also entail consequences for the implied actors when promises are not fulfilled.³⁸ In people’s perception, politicians "promise what they want to do", without necessarily doing it, clearly not an example of democracy!

Expectations were raised by proposals for decentralisation, but no provision was made to include these in the Act.

It would seem that many citizens considered political autonomy to be important, or idealised the idea of greater decision-making power at local levels, whereas Act No 2 of 1997 clearly mentions the administrative, financial and patrimonial autonomy under Article 740.

In general, the politicians in the country enjoys little credibility. The general sentiment is that once persons are elected to political positions, they disassociate themselves from their people, and create an economic, social and political life for themselves without concern for their social group ("there ... with the big shots"). It is said that "the ones who aren’t there yet, are only shouting so that they can eat too!"

Furthermore, corruption is increasing and trends are closely followed by the average citizen.⁴⁰ Besides the level where it occurs and how it manifests itself, corruption is frequently blamed on the government, and subsequently on the party in power.

There seems to be no perception of a link between development, the well-being of the individual, the improvement of the quality of life, the resolution of conflicts, and other issues which concern citizens, and democracy. The results of the so-called ‘democracy’ are felt more negatively than positively, by citizens, and they often feel that it does not affect them.

This seems to be valid for the model used in 1994, when candidates on the lists of the political parties were known, which makes the supply of services at present and the fulfilment of promises made back then, more difficult to attain. In the 1998 elections, the perceptions were aggravated by a lack of transparency in the choice of candidates, "a lot of centralism," and the choice of people as candidates from outside municipal positions. It was said, "Many times, the district directors on the lists did nothing and were not even from the area ... and, as civil servants, they can be transferred at any time during their mandate." It is felt that this lack of a sound relationship between candidates and the communities makes it difficult to obtain the services needed in cities and towns.

A discussion held with the members of the National Teachers Organisation and representatives of civil society organisations in Maputo, about two weeks before the elections, already indicated the tendency towards abstention. One of the significant factors was the candidates on the election lists who were not the ones people wanted as their representatives.⁴¹

This somewhat gloomy, but explanatory and informative framework offers important material for a well-structured, detailed research project which could serve as a basis for the constant monitoring of the democratisation process, of which decentralisation is an integral part.⁴² On the one hand, it may offer insights which could be applied in the restructuring of the electoral process, and on the other, it offers food for thought to the political class, political parties, individuals, citizen groups and civil society as a whole. Indications are that there are large sections of the population who are abstaining from their role to monitor the state’s public acts and the executive, legislative, and judicial powers, as they see no space for this role in their lives. This study did not provide motivation for monitoring, even though there is a need for it, but presents criticism of the current social reality in Mozambique.

There seems to be a need to think about inverting the democratisation process, in other words, to attempt to let it develop from the bottom. Where the individual was born, grew up and developed, and eventually becomes a functional member of society should rather be the starting point. The individual must have a political will to identify what is required from the state, as well as from the communities, who must become the main agents of the political and development process. This should prepare the basis for a social contract between the state and the communities on different levels of civil society which include the political élite. The contract must interaction between the political élite (the state) and the communities which supersedes elections and the Electoral Act.⁴³

The functional interaction between the different levels of public and private life - the collective and the individual, the social, economic, political and cultural - facilitates the development of democracy, which is difficult at present.⁴⁴ The difficulty in perceiving the link between, for example, political speeches and daily individual and collective life, as well as private and public life, is one of the factors that led to the abstention from participation by citizens in the process of political choice at the local level, which may be an alarming signal for the national elections of 1999.

Significant efforts should be employed to change the negative attitudes of citizens and communities, as illustrated in the expression, "it’s not worth it." The state, the government opposition parties, political forces and civil society⁴⁵ should act to avoid a repetition of the appalling absence of voters experienced in the recent municipal elections in the 1999 general elections. It could give the world a false impression that the citizens, although they are active members of local communities, were not prepared for a representative democracy, where the best is chosen to govern.

The 1998 municipal elections provided some ‘news’, such as, the absence of the opposition, the presence of independent groups, and the high abstention rate. However, these features could lead to the incorrect conclusion that there was a lack of preparation and political interest by individuals and communities, an error based not on reality and far from indicative of what is really happening in the field. The abstention rate indicates symptoms, whether cause or effect, which should be considered in the context of the democratisation process and pluralism, independent of their political nature.⁴⁶ The perception of security should not only be centred on the state, but should include the broader local community and individual levels.

The state and its institutions, society and political parties should act pre-emptively before 1999’s elections. It would serve them well to investigate the reasons for the abstention and to attempt to find answers to them through in-depth and inclusive dialogue and appropriate actions. The more concerted the efforts, the better will be the results which are produced.