Chapter 5

Government Responses to Corruption


Published in Monograph No 65, September 2001
Corruption in South Africa, Results of an Expert Panel Survey



What is government doing to fight corruption? How effective are government responses in the fight against corruption? How can effectiveness be measured, particularly when the magnitude of the problem is not known? These are just some of the questions emerging in an attempt to evaluate the responses of governments to corruption.

Corruption has long been a characteristic of the South African public service. However, there is a widespread perception that corruption has increased during the period of political and economical transition which commenced in 1994. Particularly in the last three years, numerous anti-corruption programmes and projects have been put in place by the government, in line with international policies, where addressing corruption focuses on:
  • promoting accountability, transparency and the rule of law;

  • the practice of good governance;

  • a free press to report forcefully to the public on corrupt practices; and

  • the establishment of government watchdog agencies to identify corrupt practices and bring them to the public attention.
In South Africa, a number of initiatives to fight corruption, lead by the government, have been established. In his first state of the nation address in June 1999, President Mbeki spoke extensively about the issue of corruption and reiterated the commitment of the South African government to honesty, transparency and accountability and its determination to act against anybody who transgresses these norms. He highlighted the importance of enacting the Protected Disclosures Act, which provides for the protection of whistle blowers, and the coming into force of the Public Finance Management Act to ensure the proper control of and accountability with regard to public finances. Steps were also taken to enforce the code of conduct in the public service, as well as to implement the proposals that emerged from the anti-corruption conferences held in November 1998, April 1999 and October 1999.

It is within this context that the expert respondents were questioned about the government’s responses to corruption. In particular, perceptions were explored of the government’s handling of corruption, what was being done right and wrong, and specific opinions on the government’s seriousness in committing itself to fight corruption. In addition, resource allocation for the fight against corruption, as well as the appropriate sentencing of perpetrators were also analysed.

Perceptions of government effectiveness

Recognising that a number of initiatives have been put in place recently by the government to fight corruption, experts were asked how well they thought the government was handling the matter of corruption.

More than a half (53%) of the experts believed that the government was handling the fight against corruption fairly well, while a third (34%) felt that it was not doing very well (table 12). A mere 6% of experts felt that it was either doing very well or not well at all. More blacks (59%) than whites (48%) thought the government was handling corruption fairly well. Whites (41%) were more likely than blacks (26%) to think that the government was not handling the fight against corruption very well.

Table 12: Respondents’ perceptions of how well the government is handling the fight against corruption, in general and by race

Response Total Black White
Percentage
Very well 6 11 2
Fairly well 53 59 48
Not very well 34 26 41
Not well at all 6 4 7
No opinion 1 0 2
Total 100 100 100

Of those who thought that the government was doing well, the majority (67%) were employed in the public sector, followed by the NGO or civil society sector. Conversely, of those who thought that the government was not faring well at all, almost half (44%) were employed in the NGO or civil society sector, and a third (33%) in the private sector.

Other relevant research findings

During the Opinion ’99 Project, two items related to corruption were placed among a larger set of questions that asked people how well the government was performing on a wide range of activities. In April 1999, 44% of respondents felt that the government was doing its job well or very well to control official corruption (a substantial increase from the 26% who had said so in September 1998). By the end of the election campaign, 55% approved of the job the government had done in maintaining democratic transparency and accountability (compared to 31% in September 1998). The degree to which these responses were a reflection of actual government performance, or the result of a very successful ANC election campaign, is uncertain.

Analysis

It is encouraging that the majority of experts (almost 60%) believed that the government was doing very to fairly well in terms of fighting corruption. Interestingly, public sector officials and black respondents were the most likely to hold this opinion. It could be argued that representatives from the public sector at the various anti-corruption conferences from whom the sample was drawn, have a particular interest and stake in government policies to fight corruption and are therefore likely to defend them. Almost 40% of the experts thought that the government was not doing very or well in fighting corruption, with whites significantly more likely to hold this view. This may be a reflection of expectations of how the government should be responding to corruption. The questionnaire attempted to probe these opinions by asking what the government was doing right and wrong in its responses to corruption. It is thought that these responses may be particularly useful for policy makers.

What government is doing right

Experts were asked, in their opinion, what the government was doing right in the fight against corruption.

There were just over 50 types of responses to this question. These have been clustered into several main areas for purposes of analysis:
  • greater awareness of and transparency about the problem;
  • strengthening anti-corruption bodies and the criminal justice system;
  • putting anti-corruption strategies in place;
  • demonstrable political commitment to tackle the problem;
  • improving checks and controls within the public sector; and
  • adopting a cross-sectoral participatory approach to corruption.
The responses within each of these main categories are detailed in figure 13.

Figure 13: Respondents' perceptions of what the government is doing right in the fight against corruption

  • Greater awareness and transparency: According to the experts, the government was creating more awareness, openness, accessibility and transparency around issues of corruption. This includes changing people’s mindsets through positive steps such as exposing corruption when it occurs, publicising and highlighting the problem, including making public announcements, undertaking public campaigns and hosting anti-corruption forums and conferences.

  • Strengthening anti-corruption bodies and the criminal justice system: The experts perceived that the government was taking steps to strengthen anti-corruption bodies, the criminal justice system and the rule of law. Experts cited the establishment of anti-corruption organisations and watchdog bodies. Particular examples included the Special Investigating Unit, other Special Investigating Units, the Scorpions and the Public Protector’s Office as positive developments in this regard. Establishing commissions of enquiry, empowering the office investigating serious economic offences, and overhauling the police were also seen as positive steps. Improving legislation to fight corruption in order to secure high level prosecutions and the proper follow-up of corrupt officials (n-5), as well as fighting organised crime were highlighted as positive responses in the fight against corruption.

  • Anti-corruption strategies: Respondents indicated that the formulation of anti-corruption strategies is seen as a positive step in the fight against corruption, including the transformation of government policies and the prioritisation of areas for strategic intervention. Experts recognised that more is required than conference resolutions, although these are being used as a basis for devising national anti-corruption strategies that are effective, cost-efficient and measurable.

  • Political commitment: Political commitment was cited by respondents as an important positive development in the fight against corruption. In particular, presidential engagement with the problem was highlighted as crucial. Involving senior management and stigmatising the problem were seen as part of political will.

  • Improving checks and controls: The government was seen by respondents to be improving checks and controls in order to fight corruption more effectively. These include decreasing incentives, more transparency in tenders, improving governance systems, financial controls and procedures. Also, putting codes of conduct in place and toll free numbers to encourage whistle blowers were singled out.

  • Cross-sectoral participation: According to the experts a strength in the government’s actions to fight corruption is that of cross-sector participation involving NGOs, the youth, business and civil society and other relevant stakeholders.

Analysis

Each of the factors identified by the group of experts are important strengths around which to build a national anti-corruption strategy and are in line with accepted international practice in fighting corruption. In particular, the government’s commitment to address the problem openly is to be welcomed, as well as the participatory approach with which it has embraced all stakeholders and roleplayers. Strengthening the criminal justice system to respond to allegations of corruption in order to conduct both credible investigations and prosecutions is seen as very positive, surpassed only by the open and transparent attitude and approach that have characterised the way in which the government has responded to corruption.

What government is doing wrong

The experts were also asked what they thought the government was doing wrong in fighting corruption. A range of possible answers were provided, including some actual constraints facing the government. For the purposes of analysis, these have been categorised into the following broad responses (figure 14):

Figure 14: Respondents' perceptions of what the government is doing wrong in the fight against corruption

  • ineffective criminal justice responses;

  • lack of political will;

  • lack of management expertise and skill;

  • lack of resources;

  • absence of cross-sectoral or strategic co-ordination; and

  • other.

  • Ineffective criminal justice responses: Experts felt that the government was neither tough nor fast enough, and that there should be less talk and more action when fighting corruption. "Too little too late", was one response. Anti-corruption methods, including existing criminal sanctions, were thought to be ineffective and there were inadequate legal mechanisms. There seemed to be inconsistency in uprooting corruption and insufficient follow-up, as well as preventive methods, which might include publishing prosecutions widely. The inadequate monitoring of agencies was identified as a further weakness in the criminal justice response to corruption.

  • Lack of political will: This category included responses by experts such as not enough political will demonstrated by the alleged protection of corrupt persons and by sweeping cases under the carpet. This sets a bad example and sends mixed messages. Insufficient attention was paid to corruption as an issue by not highlighting its seriousness, and by not providing enough support to anti-corruption strategies. On the other hand, too much publicity was also cited as something that the government was doing wrong in the fight against corruption.

  • Lack of management expertise and skills: Poor management systems, and the lack of co-ordination and transformation were seen as problems in the fight against corruption. Uneducated, unqualified people, expertise that was lost to affirmative action and an inexperienced government were also cited as reasons. Not enough research and insufficient financial controls and training compounded the problem, as did a lack of discipline. The absence of whistleblowing mechanisms and the lack of emphasis on training in ethics were also considered to constrain the government in the fight against corruption.

  • Lack of resources: The inadequate resource allocation in terms of actual resources, as well as the lack of people to fight corruption were cited as shortcomings in the government’s fight against corruption. In particular, the lack of assistance to the commercial branch of the police was cited. The government was also not allocating resources to address the root causes of corruption and there was poor implementation of policies.

  • Lack of cross-sectoral and strategic co-ordination: Experts felt that there was not enough interaction with civil society. The government was also not listening to the people, and should include NGOs and other sectors in the fight against corruption. Effective strategies to fight corruption were absent, and insufficient prioritisation took place. There was no clear guidance on the public-private interface where much corruption occurred.

Analysis

It can be argued that all the weaknesses in the government’s response to corruption are interlinked to an extent. Ineffective criminal justice responses, for example, are underpinned by a lack of expertise and resource constraints — which are linked, in turn, to political will in terms of the commitment to prioritise this area in the budget. These are all further linked to the general lack of management expertise to tackle the complicated phenomenon of corruption control as an underlying problem.

Two areas, political will and resource allocation, were probed further in the survey. These two factors were identified in the literature as potentially making or breaking anti-corruption efforts. While weaknesses in the criminal justice system may prevent a case from getting to court in the first place, the appropriateness of sanctions should someone be convicted for corruption, was also explored in the survey.

Political will and commitment

Anti-corruption literature confirms that political will and commitment are crucial to any serious attempt to fight corruption. Political will refers to the demonstrated, credible intent of political actors to address an issue seriously. Obviously, political will is a critical starting point for sustainable and effective anti-corruption strategies and programmes. Without this, the government’s statements that it will reform the public service, strengthen transparency and accountability, and reinvent the relationship between government and the private sector, remain mere rhetoric. Does the articulation of a ‘zero tolerance’ approach to corruption demonstrate genuine political will to tackle the problem seriously? Talk of ‘zero tolerance’ towards corrupt practice, if not followed through by concrete action to deal with wrong-doers, may further disillusion those already cynical about the high profile anti-corruption debate.

Experts were asked how committed they thought the government was to fight corruption.

Almost half (49%) of the experts felt that the government was committed to fight corruption, with more than one-third (34%) saying that the government was very committed (table 13). While slightly more than a tenth (12%) of the black respondents felt that the government was not at all, or not very committed to fight corruption, more than a fifth (21%) of the white respondents felt this way. A larger percentage of black respondents also felt that the government was committed or very committed to fight corruption.

Table 13: Respondents’ perceptions of the level of government commitment to fight corruption, in general and by race

Response Total Black White
Percentage
Very committed 34 41 29
Committed 49 47 50
Not very committed 14 11 17
Not at all committed 2 0 4
No opinion 1 1 0
Total 100 100 100

Other relevant research findings

In a survey conducted by the HSRC in March 1999, 34% of respondents believed that the government was giving sufficient priority to the fight against corruption in the public sector. In total, 20% said that the government was affording corruption too high a priority, while ANC supporters were the most likely (27%) to think this was the case.

Analysis

Political will is a critical starting point for effective anti-corruption strategies and programmes. No legislative or administrative changes can be effective unless there is commitment in all spheres of government. In all efforts to combat corruption, the commitment of senior elected representatives and other public officials is pivotal. To some extent, creating this political will and sustaining the momentum for reform depend on a strong civil society that is willing and able to press for change. A strong and active civil society can be a powerful tool for expanding awareness of corruption, and often a key source of information on corrupt practices. In the end, civil society and its institutions are perhaps the most powerful source of support for public leaders who are genuinely committed to reform and willing to pursue reform efforts in partnership with the many individuals and organisations within society.26 It is therefore very encouraging that the majority (83%) of the expert group believed that the government was committed to address the issue of corruption, although it is of some concern that these opinions showed differences based on race.

Two key indicators emerging from the literature on political will are those of resource allocation and sanctions. Many an agency touted to fight corruption has been rendered inefficient and unable to fulfil its ambitious mandate by a government that, although verbally committed to fight corruption, has not put its money where its mouth is and has devised either strategies or structures which are unable to perform effectively because of insufficient resources. A further measure of political will is the degree to which those in power are willing to institute appropriate criminal sanctions for those found guilty of corruption. The survey also explored the issues of resources and sanctions.

Resources

The previous questions highlighted perceptions of a lack of resources as a major threat to the fight against corruption by the government. It is thus useful to explore perceptions of the resources available at institutional level. Experts were specifically asked whether the government has sufficient resources to fight corruption.

Over half (51%) of the respondents believed that the government did not have sufficient resources to fight corruption, and needs a lot more (figure 15). This was echoed across race groups, sectors and ideological orientation. Slightly less than a quarter (24%) believed that the government had enough resources, with 22% thinking that it needed a little more. In total, almost three-quarters (73%) of the experts thought that more resources were required to fight corruption.

Figure 15: Respondents' perceptions of whether the government has sufficient resources to fight corruption

Analysis

These findings indicate that the government will have to allocate sufficient resources to strategic reform measures in the fight against corruption if its efforts are to be taken seriously. The majority of the experts believed that the government needed much more resources to fight corruption. It is unclear what ‘a lot more’ entails in a context of pressing needs and limited financial and human resources. It will be important, however, for the government to be frank about those resources that are available to allocate to such efforts, which are currently scattered across a range of agencies. Any new proposals will have to be carefully budgeted for to ensure that policies achieve the goals that are foreseen.

Sanctions

In testing the seriousness with which acts of corruption are viewed, experts were asked about the most appropriate sanction for elected politicians found guilty of corruption and fraud.

The majority (58%) of the respondents believed that guilty politicians should suffer the harshest penalty and lose their jobs and go to prison (figure 16). Over a quarter (27%) felt that the penalty would depend on the seriousness of the corrupt act. None felt that there should be no penalty, Only 9% felt that they should lose their jobs and pay a fine, while a further 5% suggested that they should only lose their jobs. Perhaps surprisingly, the highest percentage of respondents who argued for the loss of jobs and imprisonment were employed in the public sector (38%), followed by the civil society sector (31%). Having said this, however, the bulk of the responses (73%) from experts in the private sector were that the guilty politician should go to prison, followed by the suggestion that it depended on the seriousness of the crime (15%).

Figure 16: Respondents' perceptions of the most appropriate response to politicians found guilty of corruption and fraud


The same question was put to experts regarding public officials found guilty of fraud and corruption.

There was very little variation between the consequences envisaged for politicians and for public officials (figure 17). More than a half (59%) of the respondents believed that guilty public officials should lose their jobs and go to prison, while almost a quarter (25%) believed that the penalty should depend on the seriousness of the corrupt act. All respondents believed that there should be some penalty, with 8% thinking that the appropriate sanctions would be to lose their jobs and pay a fine, or to lose their jobs only. Those with an ideological orientation to the right of centre were more likely to call for harsher penalties.

Figure 17: Respondents' perceptions of the most appropriate response to public officials found guilty of corruption and fraud

Analysis

The opinions on sanctions for corrupt public officials and politicians were fairly similar. Expert attitudes towards sanctions for corruption indicated a tough stance towards corrupt public officials and politicians. These attitudes might inform criminal justice responses which, in the public’s perception, appear not to treat corruption as the crime it is, with fines rather than imprisonment being the norm. Government responses to corruption have to reflect the seriousness with which it is viewed. It may be necessary to ‘fry some big fish’ in order to show that the government is serious with its well-publicised zero tolerance approach to corruption.