INTRODUCTION

The relationship between the United States and South Africa, from the beginning, has taken place on two tracks: government-to-government and people-to-people. It is impossible, therefore, to speak of United States - South Africa relations without speaking of the extraordinary range of individuals and institutions engaged with each other across a wide spectrum of these two democracies. In the private meeting between President Mandela and the American First Lady, Hillary Rodham Clinton, the President expressed his appreciation for the support of the American people during the liberation struggle and in present efforts to build a non-racial democracy.

Very few South Africans are aware, however, of the scope and scale of that support. Very few know how many Americans supported and helped to sustain the anti-apartheid struggle, and very few know the extent of American support for the transformations now taking place. This article will elaborate the role of the Binational Commission in promoting the bilateral relationship between the US and South Africa. Reasons for strong US support for South Africa at a time of budget constraints and exploding social needs in the US will also be highlighted. In conclusion, some observations will be made about co-operation between our two countries to support the march of democracy and improve the quality of life on the African continent and in an interdependent world.

THE US – SOUTH AFRICA BINATIONAL COMMISSION

Under the leadership of Vice President Al Gore and Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, the US and South Africa have built a broad, deep and enduring partnership that works through a Binational Commission inaugurated on 1 March 1995. The Commission meets twice a year, alternating between US and South African venues. It has six working committees: Agriculture, Conservation, Environment and Water, Human Resource Development and Education, Science and Technology, Sustainable Energy, and Trade and Investment. The Binational Commission is not a substitute for, nor does it seek to supplant normal bilateral diplomatic, political, economic, trade or people-to-people ties. It does supplement, however, the normal diplomatic relationship in several important ways:

It elevates the bilateral relationship to the highest levels of the two governments by involving Vice President Gore, Deputy President Mbeki, US cabinet members, South African ministers and other senior government officials in partnerships that are unprecedented. No US vice president in history and no domestic cabinet secretaries have ever devoted as much time to the well-being of another country as these officials have committed to South Africa.



The Binational Commission provides a vehicle for speedy communication between government officials who might not normally speak directly to each other. When there is a problem or an opportunity in agriculture, trade or natural resources, for example, the South African minister involved can simply pick up the telephone and call his US counterpart directly because of the relationship of friendship and respect that has been established through the Commission.



The Binational Commission brings American resources, government agencies, and people to South Africa that go far beyond what is normally found in a US mission. When the South Africans needed help in dealing with organised crime, drug trafficking and money laundering, they asked for assistance through the Binational Commission. The US responded by making people and resources available from the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Drug Enforcement Agency, Customs, and the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL). In addition, we put together an interagency co-ordination group to provide assistance in a wide variety of areas.

We are also working with Justice Minister Dullah Omar to develop a joint proposal that would focus additional US assistance in two key areas:

helping South Africans to establish a training programme for prosecutors, judges and other senior justice officials; and



reviewing South African criminal laws and procedures, including the government structure set up to implement them.

Other areas of bilateral assistance planned or already in place because of the collaborative agreement signed at a 1996 meeting of the Binational Commission include the provision of investigative training to the South African National Police, providing recommendations on border security, help in developing a national drug control strategy, assisting in the development of a national witness protection programme and the provision of regional police training for Southern African nations.

The Binational Commission provides an opportunity for leaders in business and government to work together to develop policy incentives and to eliminate disincentives to trade and investment. Tax treaties have been signed, markets have been opened, technology shared and practices and policies changed because of the work of the BNC.

The Binational Commission gets things done. One only has to look at a few of the projects presently under way by any one of the Committees to recognise how valuable the Commission process is to our two countries. Identify a problem or a major issue in South Africa and you are likely to find some agency of the US Government working with a South African counterpart to find a solution.

Without much fanfare, American assistance is helping to improve the functioning of government at all levels: expanding and improving basic education, providing support for housing construction, improving health care, creating jobs, conserving water, eliminating pollution, developing local community leadership, resolving local and regional conflicts and contributing to a wide variety of additional efforts to consolidate non-racial democracy. After the last Binational Commission meeting in Cape Town, both Deputy President Mbeki and Vice President Gore announced that this was the most productive meeting ever. Even former sceptics in our two governments whose workloads are significantly increased by the BNC, now look at what is being accomplished and acknowledge that this is a process that is working and a partnership that is important.

WHY SOUTH AFRICA?

When asked at the recent meeting in Cape Town, "Why the Clinton Administration places so much importance on South Africa," Vice President Gore replied: "First, we are on the same journey, trying to create a non-racial democracy with justice and economic opportunity for everyone regardless of gender, religion or ethnic origin. If South Africa succeeds, it will have a global impact (by demonstrating a model of community that works for all its citizens), Second, if South Africa succeeds economically, it will not only create a model for development, but it will be a beacon of hope for the whole continent. A strong South African economy could become the engine of growth which powers other countries, especially in Southern Africa."

South Africa is small in economic stature, generating less than one per cent of the global economic output, but South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy has imbued the country and its leaders with international and moral authority that go far beyond the size of the economy or population. We are pleased, therefore to have South Africa as a partner that shares many of our values and interests.

It is no secret that, while we have many values in common, our countries have different histories that occasionally lead to different views of our national interests. But the areas of agreement are so many that they are able to withstand the few areas in which we disagree. We respect South Africa's policy of universality and the right to choose its own friends based on its own priorities, but we ask all of our friends to join with us in affirming the values we share, especially the respect for human rights, economic freedom, free and fair elections and the rejection of state-sponsored terrorism.

Given the public attention focused on occasional differences, the US respects and strongly supports South Africa's sovereignty as an independent self-governing nation. Too many Americans fought too long and too hard for a new South Africa, a representative government, a free people in a free country, for any American to engage in any activity that would undermine the overwhelming amount of goodwill that exists between our two people.

AID AND TRADE: THE UNTOLD STORY

US involvement in South Africa demonstrates the extent of this goodwill. In addition to the US Government, there are foundations, corporations, universities, churches and non-government organisations (NGOs) from almost every conceivable field, including health, human rights and legal services, small business development, environmental protection, housing, agriculture, religion, education and both the visual and performing arts involved in this country. What is not generally known is that the total financial contribution of these groups is in excess of $500 million annually.

The state of relations between the US and South Africa, becomes clear when visiting places few South Africans travel to. There are women in the Northern Province who, through small loans provided by American assistance, have developed some form of employment for more than 11 000 people in a very isolated rural area. In squatter villages in the Eastern Cape, local citizens take pride in the houses they occupy because of American assistance. In classrooms in Soweto new curricula and teaching materials are introduced as a result of American assistance to reflect the new South Africa. The same pride exists among small cane growers in KwaZulu-Natal and in self-help projects in the Eastern Cape. And everywhere I have gone I have wished that more Americans and more South Africans could see what I have seen and feel what I have felt as I have witnessed the many expressions of goodwill between our two people.

A relationship between South Africa and the US of growing importance to both countries is trade and investment. Much has been made of the fact that the selection of an American company as an equity partner with Telkom will likely lead to as much as 50 000 new jobs. But what is not known, is the large number of American companies investing in South Africa. Not only do American firms make up nearly thirty per cent of the foreign companies operating in South Africa, not only have American companies been coming into South Africa at the rate of almost one per week over the last year, but members of the American Chamber of Commerce have pointed out that the first quarter of this year has seen a significant increase in the number of American companies expanding or opening new operations in South Africa. There are deals in the making, investment opportunities and increased confidence in the management of the economy that could create a new climate of investor optimism about the South African economy.

THE IMPORTANCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY

Another area of importance in US – South African relations is that of civil society. While the US Government is far and away the dominant funding source for partnership initiatives in South Africa, accounting for more than half of the $500 million involved annually, the engagement and outlays from NGOs are also substantial.

Civil society is one area where the partnership can be strengthened. While a Binational Commission exists to facilitate and enhance the very positive government-to-government relations between the two countries, no such vehicle exists to ensure the continuity of the equally important people-to-people relations. American and South African NGO leaders will later this year discuss whether the time has come for a Binational Commission on Civil Society to support and strengthen the wide variety of social, educational, religious and other linkages that do not depend on government.

In many countries, civil society is the primary agent of social transformation. Some observers of national and international trends are even suggesting that the increased emphasis on civil society may turn out to be as important to the late twentieth as the rise of nation-states was to the late nineteenth century. South Africa has a long and enduring tradition of civil society, but international linkages that help strengthen that tradition will continue to be important in the years ahead.

COLLABORATION ON THE AFRICAN CONTINENT

The bottom line, then, is that the relations between the US and South Africa are very positive. But it is also clear that the new partnership between the two countries must now enlarge the idea of mutual benefit to include not simply efforts to improve life in our two countries, but to secure the future of an interdependent world. Like Socrates in early Greece, we will have to be able to say, each in our own way: I am not just a citizen of Athens or Greece, but a citizen of the world.

As the US and South Africa are brought closer together by shared values and interest, we will have to co-operate to promote and protect those values in the wider world. So let there be no confusion about the intention of the US. To those who ask what the US wants in South Africa and, indeed, the world, the answer is simple. As Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright put it in her confirmation hearing before the US Senate that we want "a world in which every nation is free and every free nation is our partner, a world in which there is peace, freedom, food on the table and what President Clinton once described as the quiet miracle of normal life."

It is a world, however, in which we face many threats. Quoting Albright again: "Some are as old as ethnic conflicts, some as new as letter bombs, some as long-term as global warming; some as dangerous as nuclear weapons falling into the wrong hands." It is a world in which "we must be more than audience, more than actors, we must be the authors of the history of our age."

Clearly, one area where we must be the architects of a new age is in responding to crises on the African continent. To many outsiders, the gains made in Africa over the last few years appear to be unravelling. Zaire is seen to be the latest example, while South Africa is seen as the exception. Here, the march toward a fully non-racial democracy is on course. But what about South Africa's neighbours who are in trouble? How should countries in the region respond? How should concerned outsiders respond?

The first answer is to recognise that many of the gains are not unravelling. There are obviously some trouble spots demanding attention, and there will be more, but it is precisely the increasing capability of some countries and international organisations on the continent to respond to crises that provides reason for optimism.

The second answer is that the time may have come to reinvigorate the discussion about an African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI), to clarify some misunderstandings about the original idea and to begin public discussion to decide the way forward.

The idea of an ACRI was African in its genesis and should be African in its implementation. In proposing the move towards the development of a stand-by force, the US was responding to African interests. The US proposal was simply to support and enhance the capability of African countries to respond to African crises. The aim was to develop a partnership, not to develop a solution from abroad.

There is wide agreement on the concept of an ACRI. The question is: Now that we agree, where do we go from here? There are to be sure practical problems related to organisational arrangements, divergent military doctrines and which countries have sufficient military, transport and support infrastructure to participate. There are also other proposals, but all can be sorted out in due time.

Like other states, the US has ideas on these and other issues, but does not pretend to have all the answers. Decisions on many of the important aspects will only be achieved through an ongoing dialogue and a healthy public debate that informs and clarifies. What is needed, is for African states and the international community to engage their own public on the issue as we seek to develop and refine the concept.

The ACRI concept is not novel and, in fact, builds on previous proposals. There are also relevant experiences from other regions which may have some relevance to efforts to rebuild Africa's crisis intervention/peacekeeping capability.

The Clinton Administration remains committed to work with African states and others to make the ACRI concept a reality. The US itself is prepared to provide training and equipment for the development of an ACRI, as well as strategic airlift in the event of ACRI deployment. It is the hope of the US that other donor countries would join in providing substantial support to the training and equipment an ACRI would require. The idea is not to develop a standing force, but through a series of essentially bilateral partnerships between donors and troop contributing states, to have a stand-by force drawn from various countries that are prepared to act together.

It is important to point out that the idea of a crisis response force is not an effort to circumvent the United Nations. Nothing could be further from our intentions. The US and other supporters have always made it clear that an ACRI should be developed in full consultation with the United Nations (UN) and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). It would be led by Africans and deployed under a UN mandate with OAU approval. The need for an African-led ACRI is increasingly obvious. The time to move forward is now.

But the US commitment to the African continent goes beyond simply responding to crises. It involves preventing crises as well. In a recent interview, Deputy President Mbeki spoke of an African 'renaissance'. That is also what Vice President Gore had in mind when he said a strong South African economy could become the engine of growth to power other countries on the continent.

The US shares the Deputy President's vision of an African renaissance. We want to work with South Africa and others to reverse the image of Africa as a continent in crisis, a place of poverty, a region of failed governments and missed opportunities. A new day is dawning, but the image has not changed with the reality. The march toward democracy on the part of the large majority of states has too often been overshadowed by a small minority who continue to stand against the tide. Far too few people in far too many places know about the process of political reform that has led to elections in 36 sub-Saharan countries during the last several years. Far too few people know that the majority of African governments have embraced economic reforms that have opened markets and created economic opportunities that were beyond the wildest dreams of reformers just a few years ago. While it is true that some reforms have been more successful than others, the people in government, business and the media need to do a better job of telling the story of how, taken together, these reforms have created the conditions for a new era of stability, accountability and development in Africa.

Nowhere is there more potential for a major take-off than in the neighbouring states that constitute the Southern African Development Community. The partnership between the US and South Africa is therefore only part of the story. South Africa is also the gateway to the 120 million people in Southern Africa and, with close to half the GDP of all of sub-Saharan Africa, is poised to play a significant role in shaping the economic well-being of the 307 million people who make Africa the second largest continent in the world.

The window of opportunity for an African renaissance is wide open. Future generations will not look kindly on us if we dare permit that window to close. I agree with Deputy President Mbeki when he said to the Constitutional Assembly, "[w]hatever the setbacks of the moment, nothing can stop Africa now. Whatever the difficulties, Africa shall be at peace. However improbable it might sound to the sceptics, Africa will prosper. Whoever we may be, whatever our immediate interest, however much we carry baggage from our past, however much we have been caught by the fashion of cynicism and loss of faith in the capacity of the people, let us say today – nothing can stop Africa now."

ENDNOTES

Edited paper presented to the ISS Human Security Project Seminar on United States – South African Relations, Institute for Security Studies, Halfway House, 10 April 1997.